Black Education, black youth and black parental issues. Our goal is to cover any and every issue that you find most relevant to you as an African-American, particularly as it pertains to education. Our school systems are in jeopardy, and it's critical that our people find a way to help our children learn.
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- The officer who arrested a top African-American professor said talks over beers Thursday evening at the White House were productive and the two men plan to meet again.
Sgt. James Crowley and Henry Louis Gates Jr. sat around a patio table with President Obama and Vice President Biden, drank beer, munched on snacks and talked about the arrest that has sparked debate about racial profiling and police procedures.
"It was a private discussion. It was a frank discussion," Crowley said of the meeting, but would not divulge specifics except to say that no one apologized.
Interview with University of Louisville Professor, Dr. Ricky Jones, by Tolu Olorunda.
Dr. Ricky Jones is an Author, Columnist and a Professor at the University of Louisville. He is the Chair of Pan-African Studies at the University of Louisville. He has written several books including, "Black Haze: Violence, Sacrifice, and Manhood in Black Greek-Letter Fraternities," and the more recent "What's Wrong with Obamamania?: Black America, Black Leadership, and the Death of Political Imagination." He is also a Lecturer who has spoken courageously on the neutralization of Africanism and Pan-Africanism in the European landscape. On Barack Obama, Dr. Jones believes that the Senator hasn't quite paralleled the standards and criteria set by the legacies of Martin Luther King, Kwame Ture and Malcolm X. He also laments the reality that some black people might be missing the point with a blind and unconditional support for Senator Obama's candidacy. His newest book - on Obamamania - investigates the unhealthy celebration and craze that has clouded the Obama campaign, while tendering useful and applicable resources that strengthen the structure of governmental-accountability. I had the pleasure of engaging in dialogue with Dr. Jones on Black Leadership, Obamamania, Black Politics, Black Masculinity and much more:
Thanks for joining us, Dr. Jones. Can you begin by informing us of your background and the pathway leading up to becoming one of the State of Kentucky's most prestigious professors?
I don't know if I'm one of the state's most prestigious; but I grew up in the housing projects of Atlanta, Georgia. After High-School, I got a bachelor's degree in political science from Morehouse College, and then received a fellowship-offer from the University of Kentucky - where I met Boyce Watkins. But I went to UK (Kentucky) for graduate school, and got a PH.D in political philosophy, and then left in 1996 for Louisville -- where I joined the Pan-African study department, and I have been there ever since. It’s funny because I really didn't intend to stay there, but I ended up in a really good department with some really good people, and had a lot of opportunities, and ended up becoming the youngest 'chair' in the history of the department -- a term which I just finished.
In your opinion, what is fundamentally wrong with today's Black leadership, and how radically different is it from that of Malcolm & Martin's era?
Well, a couple of things: One; the social and political dynamic is very different now, than it was in the past. We are now in a time when we are the first generation of Black folk who did not have to deal with slavery or segregation. And, I think it threw Black America into a state of confusion vis-a-vis understanding power-discrepancies, segregation, discrimination, marginalization etc. And just because those systems weren't in law anymore, didn't mean it did not exist. And with that change in the political landscape, people are not clear anymore, as to whether or not we have a structural problem, or we have merely individual problems. So with the comments of the "Bill Cosbys" and "Shelby Steeles," (The Black Conservatives) it becomes more easy to put the blame on Black people, individually, than to attack structures -- especially if you're trying to gain power in those structures. So, there is a misunderstanding of the political landscape. Also, there is a problem with the quality of leadership. Sometimes, we do not have our best and brightest in position. Another problem is that of commitment, especially when you have folk that are much more wedded to their personal agendas, than they are with any collective agenda that has to do with Black folk. When you put all those things together, you have a horrible mixture that leads the majority of Black people suffering.
In light of the recent conundrum Rev. Jesse has been encompassed by; do you find any legitimacy in the inference that a leader can become outdated and irrelevant?
Yes, but not specific to Rev. Jackson. I think, sometimes, if not the leadership figure itself, the strategy can become outdated -- and again, not being specific to Rev. Jackson. I've been critical of Rev. Jackson with regard to certain issues, and I criticize him in my latest book, but I think the latest criticism of him - with what has been said - is patently wrong. I think it is problematic for Black to dismiss Rev. Jackson at this point. In my latest book, I discussed that 'shift' in the generations. I think it is true that the younger Black leadership is different, but we also ought to question, if the shift is better -- and that question is not necessarily being asked. I also think that style of leadership is embraced by much of white America because it is looked upon as safer, and sometimes more "white-like." One of the first line of my latest book is, I'm Black and I worry about my people," and the last line is, "in the mean-time, I'll still be here worrying," because I'm very worried about Black America's willingness to embrace some of these unknown quantities in a non-critical way, and dismiss folk who have a long history of service to the Black Community. When you look at the antagonism toward Jesse Jackson, it's disturbing; also, with regard Tavis Smiley -- where a large number of Black people turned on him and called him some of the most reprehensible names. What's most disturbing is the fact that Black people are reacting this way, in support of a man who, 4 yrs. ago, excluding Chicagoans, was nearly unknown. And the fact that, till this date, he still hasn't shown that he has any level of commitment to any particular agenda that has anything to do with remedying Black struggle; he is much more likely to condemn black folks, than he is to condemn systemic mechanism that are beating up Black folk.
You wrote a book in critique and cross-examination of Sen. Obama's explosive rise to the front-and-center of American political life. Can you explain "What's wrong with Obamamania"?
Concisely, there are 4 basic things: One is that the examination of Obama and his significance has been relatively immature. You have a side that paints him as a savior and Messianic figure, and others who hope to label him as an Islamic terrorist. And that dichotomization doesn't leave room for rich political discussion. Secondly, there is very little serious-examination of what Obama means on the leadership landscape -- for Black America in particular and America in general. And when he is compared to Dr. Martin Luther King, we have to understand that Dr. King never represented the status quo, and sadly, Obama seems to be comfortable doing that. Thirdly, with Obama's avoidance of issues concerning Black America, we would be foolish not to ask for as much as other groups are demanding of Senator Obama. The Jewish Community asked Obama - and other candidates - where he stood explicitly on the issue of Jerusalem, Palestine, and other issues. Black people must be brave enough to ask the same questions: Disproportionate Imprisonment, the educational system, disproportionate poverty - with a third of Black children being impoverished etc. And if we are concerned about those issues, we should take him to task on each one of them, and we have not. Fourthly, most Black supporters are much too eager to attack anyone who criticizes Senator Obama or his agenda -- which is dangerous, in giving him a free pass.
Malcolm X, in his April 12, 1964 speech "The Ballot or The Bullet," called for political maturity within the Black Community. In your assessment; has there been any political-maturation in Black America, and is it - or the lack - reflective in the overwhelming support of Sen. Obama's candidacy within the African-American Community?
Well; to answer bluntly, we are certainly showing some political immaturity. I also think it shows a division with the Black petty bourgeoisie and everyday black folks. Come election time, I would be voting "against McCain," because I have been disturbed by the lack of serious-public-balanced-dialogue in Black America -- concerning the good things he (Obama) brings to the table, as well as the bad.
Masculinity in Black America is another subject you have written greatly about. How does that paradigm play out in Hip-Hop culture and the daily lives of everyday Black families?
Well, this goes to my first book: "Black Haze: Violence, Sacrifice, and Manhood in Black Greek-Letter Fraternities." And the big question is: What happens to a group of men who are denied traditional avenues to being labeled as Men. I'm referring to, 'going to better schools,' 'getting the better jobs,' 'being able to earn salaries that are conducive with supporting and protecting their families.' So, how do they define their Manhood, if those traditional routes that guarantee the definition of Manhood are denied to them? And I see that phenomenon playing out of Black America in so many ways. It plays out in Black fraternities - with Greek Origin - as well; and some of the barbarism that plays out in some of these fraternities puts the Manhood of these young men on trial. And the only way they seem to define their Manhood, is through the infliction of pain, stress or the tolerance of it. You also have the same dynamic playing out in the gang-culture. We have to figure out where all this factors - of the destructive definition of Masculinity - lead up to. And it plays out from education, to the home-environment, to poverty, to political disenfranchisement, to the criminal justice system and even toward mental health issues. So, I'm very concerned about Black Males interaction with society, with fellow Black Males and finally, their Women.
You teach Pan-Africanism and color-consciousness as a Professor at the University of Louisville. Do you suspect a loss of cultural-pride amongst the upcoming generation of Black and Brown kids?
Most definitely, but I think it stretches-through, to all of us. Because, you never see anybody else - for the most part - run away from their ethnicity and race -- as much as Black people do. Many Black people see their heritage as a badge of shame -- as a result of our socialization in this country. And there seems to be very little commitment to anything deemed patently Black. And it’s also playing out in this election cycle, because if one speaks of Obama as being Black, his supporters ask the question: "Why you got to bring 'race' into it"?
In Georgetown Professor, Dr. Michael Eric Dyson's book, Race Rules, he has a section on the 20th century rise of the Black public intellectual. As one yourself, what do you consider to be the primarily-role of the Black public intellectual in America?
Well, it should be, ideally, to be able to translate classroom academicism, and put it to the public, streets or television. So, it's incredibly important that we don't have these conversations limited to the college campuses. The intellectual must be able to convey to the public, certain values that the public understands.
Lastly, what advice do you have for the new generation of Black intellectuals and academicians?
Well, it must be to carve out our own path, and stay true to some set of ideals. At the end of the day, we are teachers, and the fundamental question is: What are we going to teach? I think a lot of folk see the public intellectual route as a track towards stardom, but the ideal that one is committed to, the ability to change the life-worth of Black people, and the will to improve the conditions of Black people with writing, speaking and advocacy, is most important. The new generation of Black public intellectuals should also look out for one another, and take care of each other.
Watch Dr. Ricky Jones's Interview on, The CW Louisville Live This Morning:
This interview was conducted by Tolu Olorunda, Staff Writer for YourBlackWorld.com
Interview with Human-Rights Organization, The Innocence Project, by Tolu Olorunda.
The Innocence Project is a non-for-profit and a national litigation and public policy organization dedicated to exonerating wrongfully convicted people through DNA testing and reforming the criminal justice system to prevent future injustice. Through its assistance 100s of formerly incarcerated inmates have been exonerated. The Innocence Project is principally focused on the usage of DNA evidence to prove innocence and further chances of exoneration or acquittal. The Innocence Project believes that "DNA testing has been a major factor in changing the criminal justice system. It has provided scientific proof that our system convicts and sentences innocent people — and that wrongful convictions are not isolated or rare events. Most importantly, DNA testing has opened a window into wrongful convictions so that we may study the causes and propose remedies that may minimize the chances that more innocent people are convicted." The Innocence Project is solely funded by personal donations and foundation grants. Like any other non-for-profit organization, its existence is predicated upon the goodwill of citizens, activists and charitable persons. I had the opportunity to speak with a Rep. for the Innocence Project on topics including, its formulation, motivation and the future of the organization:
Thanks for taking the time to speak with us; When precisely was the Innocence Project formulated, and what incident prompted its formulation?
The Innocence Project formally started in 1992 at Cardozo School of Law. Barry Scheck and Peter Neufeld founded the Innocence Project after working on several wrongful conviction cases involving DNA evidence.
The first DNA-related post-conviction case they worked on was that of Marion Coakley, a mentally retarded, African-American man who was convicted of rape in the Bronx in 1985. The conviction was based on an inaccurate identification by the victim and her boyfriend, as well as poor defense counsel that didn’t present key exculpatory evidence, and an improperly conducted criminal investigation.
Scheck and Neufeld had become close friends working for Legal Aid in the Bronx. At the time of Coakley’s case, Neufeld was running a law-school clinic at Cardozo School of Law at Yeshiva University in New York and Scheck was in private practice. Coakley’s case would be the first case where the two lawyers would attempt to have DNA testing done on biological evidence left at the crime scene, in this case a rape kit taken from the victim. At the time, DNA testing was not as sophisticated or advanced as it is now, and the results were inconclusive. Furthermore, the testing consumed all of the evidence, something that is not as much an issue with current techniques. However, Scheck and Neufeld were able to get Coakley’s conviction overturned in 1987 based on other problems with the original trial, and other newly discovered evidence.
[The story of the Coakley case is chronicled in the first chapter of the book Actual Innocence by Barry Scheck, Peter Neufeld, and Jim Dwyer]
The Innocence Project ("IP") was established in 1992 at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law by Scheck and Neufeld and is dedicated to exonerating the innocent through post-conviction DNA testing. Since its inception, 218 people in the United States have been exonerated, including 16 who served time on death row. In the vast majority of these DNA exonerations, the Innocence Project either was the attorney of record or consulted with the defendant's attorneys.
The Innocence Project also pursues reforms in the criminal justice system throughout the country. Based on the causes of wrongful convictions illustrated through DNA exonerations, we advocate in each state to change laws and practices to prevent wrongful convictions. Our policy areas include:
• Eyewitness Identification
• DNA Testing Access
• Forensic Oversight
• Evidence Preservation
• Innocence Commissions
• Exoneree Compensation
• False Confessions
Our website, under “Know the Causes” and “Fix the System,” contains more details about the problems that lead to wrongful convictions and remedies that can prevent future injustice.
How does the Innocence Project get involved with a particular inmate, and what precedes the involvement?
The Innocence Project has a very specific mandate: we accept post-conviction cases where DNA testing can yield conclusive proof of innocence. The Innocence Project does not require evidence to be found before we accept a case. In 2007, we received about 250 new requests each month.
Prisoners who would like their case to be considered must write to us with a brief factual summary of their case and a list of evidence that was used against them. In 2007 we received over 3,000 letters requesting legal assistance. Our staff evaluates each request and conducts additional research as needed. Currently, we have over 8,000 cases in evaluation.
Can you describe the laborious process it takes before the exonerating of Innocent inmates is accomplished?
The Innocence Project faces numerous hurdles in litigating cases. These hurdles include time-consuming and painstaking efforts to find evidence; degraded evidence that cannot be accurately tested; lost or destroyed evidence; and prosecutorial objections leading to lengthy litigation.
The amount of time from when we take a case until exoneration can vary from as little as nine months to up to 15 years. Cases take longer when prosecutors refuse to agree to DNA testing that can confirm guilt or prove innocence. Right now, we have an unsettled case that has been going on for over 12 years because the prosecutor refused to allow DNA testing. We were in court for years fighting just for the right to conduct testing, which was finally granted by the state Supreme Court.
The Innocence Project is incredibly tenacious in trying to find evidence that can be subjected to DNA testing. We have had cases where we were told that there was no evidence, that everything had been lost or destroyed, only to find after continuing to press the issue that not only did it still exist but it was where it was supposed to have been in the first place. Sometimes the search can take years. If we eventually determine that the evidence simply no longer exists, we usually have to close the case. We don’t want to do that, so we search really hard for a long time before we make that decision.
Once evidence is located, we work with prosecutors or courts in each case to make sure the highest-quality labs are used for DNA testing. Sometimes, multiple rounds of testing have to be conducted on different pieces of evidence. In some cases, even after DNA test results show that our client is innocent, prosecutors dispute whether the test results really prove innocence, and we are forced into litigation for months or years.
How many formerly incarcerated inmates have - up until this moment - had their sentences overturned with the help of the Innocence project?
There have been 218 people exonerated by DNA testing in the U.S. In the vast majority of these cases, the Innocence Project was either the primary attorney or consulted on the case.
Can you share some stories of those who have been rescued by the Innocence Project, and their life after incarceration?
Please see our website, www.innocenceproject.org. Click on “Know the Cases.” You can use any text of photos from that area of the website, provided you credit the Innocence Project and link to our website.
In what states has the Innocence Project been primarily focused, and are there any plans for expansion?
The Innocence Project is a national organization. We take cases from all 50 states and we conduct policy reform work throughout the country.
Due to our groundbreaking use of DNA technology, the Innocence Project has helped inspire the establishment of many other organizations dedicated to innocence work throughout the nation.
To see a list of similar organizations, please see http://www.innocenceproject.org/about/Other-Projects.php. The Innocence Project is also a founding member of the Innocence Network, an affiliation of more than 40 organizations doing this work in the U.S. and around the world. (Many of these are the same groups at the link above, but Network membership requires organizations to meet certain standards and have a strong structure in place). To learn more about the Innocence Network – and for a list of members – go to www.InnocenceNetwork.org.
Does the Innocence Project offer up any legal assistance and social services to aid the newly freed in their attempt to adjust to the new society?
The Innocence Project now has two social workers on staff to help exonerees with this transition and help them rebuild their lives. Most innocent people released from prison struggle to find jobs and pay for health care, to rebuild family relationships, to socialize, and cope with psychological trauma resulting from incarceration. Often simple things like getting an ID card or a bank account are huge hurdles because after years locked away from society, exonerees have no record of who they are.
Every exoneree’s experience is different. Some have gone on to build successful careers and start families after being exonerated. Some struggle for years to readjust to society and rebuild their lives. Some were educated and had a good job when they went to prison but it’s not as simple as picking up where they left off – they may face stigma from serving time in prison, and they may struggle with psychological trauma and difficulty adjusting socially. If they went into prison when they were young and if they had little education or job experience, they may come out of prison way behind and struggle to find work.
How is the Innocence Project funded?
The Innocence Project is a 501 c3 non-profit. Half of the Innocence Project’s budget comes from individual donors. Another large portion of the budget comes from foundations.
What is the contact info for the Innocence Project; and what can the everyday citizen do to assist the moral struggle of freeing the wrongfully-imprisoned?
Innocence Project
100 Fifth Avenue, 3rd Floor
New York, NY 10011
info@innocenceproject.org
212.364.5340
www.innocenceproject.org
People can become active in their communities to help exonerate the innocent and reform the criminal justice system. Please see “10 Things Anyone Can Do To Help Exonerate Innocent People and Prevent Wrongful Convictions” at http://www.innocenceproject.org/fix/What-can-I-do.php
People can also donate to the Innocence Project.
Their donation will help:
* Pay for DNA testing;
* Increase legal services;
* Support reform initiatives to address the causes of wrongful convictions;
* Evaluate the overwhelming number of requests that we receive.
